https://jrsiw.cuir.ac.ir/ Regional and Islamic World Studies en daily 1 Sat, 22 Nov 2025 00:00:00 +0330 Sat, 22 Nov 2025 00:00:00 +0330 https://jrsiw.cuir.ac.ir/article_239952.html Economic sanctions, as instruments of political pressure, have widespread effects on the economic, social, and psychological spheres of societies, leading to a reduction in hope and the weakening of social cohesion. In such conditions, the psychological empowerment of the community is essential for maintaining stability and rebuilding self-belief. This research was conducted with the aim of "Designing a Psychological Empowerment Model in Sanction Conditions" using a descriptive-analytical methodology. Data were collected through a systematic review of domestic and international studies, and key indicators were extracted across the four dimensions of psychological empowerment, including Meaningfulness, Competence, Self-determination, and Impact. The results indicated that in the Meaningfulness dimension, collective resilience helps rebuild meaning by strengthening cultural identity and shared understanding of the crisis, and hope contributes through faith in the future and purposefulness. In the Competence dimension, both variables increase the sense of capability through training and self-efficacy. In the Self-determination dimension, resilience, through participation and self-organization, and hope, through agency and creativity, expand social agency. In the Impact dimension, social capital and social hope lead to an increase in trust and a sense of collective control. Overall, the interaction between collective resilience as a social force and hope as a motivational force forms the foundation of the community's psychological empowerment against sanction pressures. It is suggested that policymakers should focus on psychological skills training, developing mutual assistance networks, and promoting hopeful narratives to strengthen the psychological stability of the community. https://jrsiw.cuir.ac.ir/article_239955.html Russia's invasion of Ukraine on February 24, 2022, is a turning point in the post-Cold War international system and has been met with various reactions. Given the close relations of Iran and Turkey with Russia and their key role in the Middle East, the foreign policy patterns of the two countries have been different towards the Ukrainian crisis. Iran has sided with Russia, especially after sending military weapons to Russia and the US and Western sanctions against Iran, and given its national and strategic interests. On the other hand, Turkey, as a NATO member state that seeks to strengthen its relations with the West, has supported Ukraine against Russian aggression. The main question of the article is what policy have Iran and Turkey adopted towards the Ukrainian crisis and what impact do these policies have on their national interests? The hypothesis of the article is that Iran, by adopting a cautious approach, seeks to strengthen its relations with Russia, reduce Western pressures, and confront sanctions, while Turkey, through active diplomacy and support for Ukraine, tries to strengthen its relations with the West and increase its role in the international arena and NATO. This article, using a descriptive-analytical method and utilizing the theory of realism, attempts to examine the foreign policy of Iran and Turkey towards the Ukrainian crisis and to present a comprehensive picture of the foreign policy model of the two countries in this regard. https://jrsiw.cuir.ac.ir/article_239954.html The Islamic Revolution of Iran in 1979, as one of the most important political and social developments of the 20th century, left a wide impact on Islamic societies, especially Arab countries. By presenting a new model of popular religious rule, the discourse of resistance, and the rejection of subjugation, it was able to inspire Islamic movements in the region and answer the question of whether the revolution was effective? The hypothesis is based on the fact that the Islamic Revolution of Iran, in addition to its political and security consequences, carried a cultural and civilizational burden that was able to be reflected in Arab societies, and this reflection is visible not only at the level of intellectual and religious elites, but also among the masses of the people. Concepts such as "theology of resistance", "Islamic unity", "Islamic lifestyle", and "religious rituals" as soft elements of the power of the Islamic Revolution have played an important role in transmitting its message to the Arab world. The present article, with an analytical and descriptive aim and approach, and by benefiting from the principles of diffusion theory, examines the various dimensions of this influence in the political, cultural, and social spheres, and analyzes case examples from countries such as Lebanon, Palestine, Egypt, Bahrain, and Yemen. Also, the role of structuralist and cultural diffusion theories in explaining this phenomenon has been considered. https://jrsiw.cuir.ac.ir/article_239661.html چگونگی ترابط اخلاق، تربیت و سیاست از مسائل بنیادین در نظامات فکری است که هر یک به فراخور نظام معرفتی خویش، رویکردهای متفاوتی در این خصوص ارائه نموده اند. برخی قدرت و هژمونی سیاسی را ناسازگار با اخلاق پنداشته و برخی دیگر با اندراج اخلاق در دانش و امر سیاسی، انگاره‌های اخلاقی را جوهره حکمرانی وتربیت اجتماعی قلمداد نموده اند. مقاله حاضر به روش توصیفی-تحلیلی و با هدف تبیین صلاحیت‌های اخلاقی حاکم به‌مثابه مربی در اندیشه آیت الله خامنه ای به تقریر درآمده است. یافته‌ها بیانگر این است که در دیدگاه آیت الله خامنه ای، حکمرانی فرایندی تربیتی است که با پیوند عمیق اخلاق، سیاست و تربیت، به تعالی معنوی و اخلاقی جامعه می‌انجامد. صلاحیت‌های اخلاقی و تربیتی حاکم شامل التیام عاطفی با امت، آگاهی از میدان عمل، ادب مواجهه، تعهد اخلاقی، عدالت شمولی، ارجحیت عدل فراگیر، سلوک زاهدانه، خدمتگزاری، مشارکت‌دهی در بستر آزادی، مصلحت‌بینی، ارشادگری و انتقادپذیری است. این صلاحیت‌ها، حاکم را به مربی‌ای تبدیل می‌کند که با هدایت جامعه به سوی فضایل اخلاقی، از طاغوت‌گروی جلوگیری کرده و بسترساز رشد اخلاقی و تحقق حیاط طیبه امت می‌شود.چگونگی ترابط اخلاق، تربیت و سیاست از مسائل بنیادین در نظامات فکری است که هر یک به فراخور نظام معرفتی خویش، رویکردهای متفاوتی در این خصوص ارائه نموده اند. برخی قدرت و هژمونی سیاسی را ناسازگار با اخلاق پنداشته و برخی دیگر با اندراج اخلاق در دانش و امر سیاسی، انگاره‌های اخلاقی را جوهره حکمرانی وتربیت اجتماعی قلمداد نموده اند. مقاله حاضر به روش توصیفی-تحلیلی و با هدف تبیین صلاحیت‌های اخلاقی https://jrsiw.cuir.ac.ir/article_240137.html Resilience is one of the fundamental factors in human adaptation to life's needs and threats. While some people react calmly, logically, and patiently to problems, others are more vulnerable and tend to break down quickly. The religion of Islam places a strong emphasis on the components of resilience. Practicing these teachings can increase one's level of resilience. This study compared the levels of resilience and their respective dimensions among eighth-grade students at two schools in Qom: Hoda School, which has a religious orientation, and Shahid Hindoyan School, which is a regular school. The standard CD-RISC questionnaire, which has five factors (personal competence, tolerance of negative emotions, acceptance of change, control, and spiritual influences), was used. This descriptive-analytical library study had a statistical population of 60 students (30 from each school). The data were analyzed using SPSS software. Various statistical methods were used. These included factor analysis, independent t-test, and Cronbach's alpha coefficient. The questionnaire's reliability was confirmed with a Cronbach's alpha coefficient of 0.89. The findings revealed that Hoda School students achieved higher scores in personal competence (p=0.006) and acceptance of change (p=0.028). Additionally, no significant differences were observed between the two schools regarding the components of control and spiritual influences. Factor analysis confirmed the five-factor structure of the questionnaire. Therefore, the educational environment can affect some dimensions of resilience. It is recommended that educational programs be conceived with the objective of fortifying resilience in Hindu schools. https://jrsiw.cuir.ac.ir/article_240146.html As two influential regional rivals in the Middle East, Iran and Saudi Arabia play a pivotal role in shaping the region's security and politics. Their tense and sometimes competitive relationship have taken on new dimensions, especially since the beginning of the Islamic Awakening and the shift in the regional balance of power. Due to its geopolitical location, strategic corridors, and transnational ties, Yemen is at the center of the confrontation between Tehran and Riyadh, one of the most important arenas of proxy competition. This study examines the consequences of the March 2023 agreement between Iran and Saudi Arabia to normalize relations, focusing on China's role as mediator in resolving the Yemeni crisis. Using the "balance of power" theoretical framework and a descriptive-analytical research method, this study collected data through a qualitative secondary analysis of reputable academic literature. The study's central question is how the geopolitical shift at the macro level has affected the equations and dynamics of the proxy war in Yemen. The findings suggest that normalization of relations, primarily via proxy de-escalation mechanisms and establishment of indirect communication channels between the involved parties, acted as a facilitating mediator variable. This has created an environment conducive to a reduction in conflict intensity and a gradual shift in focus from a military approach to political discourse in Yemen. However, data analysis shows that, although significant, this effect is not necessarily decisive. Sustainable peace in Yemen depends on endogenous, fundamental variables, such as empowering local political institutions, resolving internal inter-consensus conflicts, and forming an inclusive governance framework. Meanwhile, Iran and Saudi Arabia's roles can mainly be defined in moderating the behavior of proxy groups and strengthening multilateral peace processes. Therefore, it can be argued that, while the 2023 agreement cannot end the Yemeni crisis on its own, it accelerates the transition toward a sustainable political solution by reducing the intensity of the conflict and redefining regional security parameters.